Kimlər Mill Hərəkəti qeyri siyasiləşdirmək istəyirlər?

Umud Düzgün

İran Fars faşist sistemində Azərbaycan türk oşaqının ləhcə dərman etmə videosunon ortaya çıxması təsadüfi bir hadisə dəyir. Bu fenomen yeni də deyil; bunun uzun tarixi vardır. Milli hərəkəti qeyri siyasiləşdirmək projəsi 75 il qabaq başlanıb dir.

Bütünlükdə siyasi və demokratik bir dövlətçiliyimiz yanliz Milli hökumət idi. O dövlət yıxılandan sonra və şəhid Pişəvərinin də öldürüldüyün dənsonra, Todə Hizbi Azərbaycan Demokrat Firqəsini öz kontrolu altina alir. Çeşidli yollarla Güney Azərbaiycanda milli hərəkəti dayandırmaqa çalışır. Öncə Fars faşist ordusunun 25-30 min günahsiz Azərbaycanlının genosidini və vətənimizin işqal edilməsini ört-basdır etdilər. Sonra bu iki şüari: "sitəme milli və rəfe təbeiz" (milli zülm və ayri seçkiliyi aradan qaldirma)-ni ortaya atmaqla Guney Azərbaiycan da milli hərəkəti qeyri siyasiləşdirmək lə, kulturəl məsələləyə çevirməyə çalişdilar. 

Keçən 34 ildə yeni milli hərəkətinin içinə sızan Todə Hizbilə Fedaei lərin qalintilari eyni uydurucu " sitəme milli  və rəfe təbeiz" şüarlarla məşğul dirlar.

Dil məsələsinə gəldikdə elə həmən adamlar çalişiblar, dil məsələsini qeyri siyasiləşdirsinlər. Oşaq hüqüqü və oşaq psixoloji səviyyəsində məhdudlaşdırma və hər bir ölkədə olduğu normal bir xəstəlik kimi yanaşmaq! və s... Halbuki dil məsələsi və türk dilimizin azad qullanmasi, İran adlı ölkədə tamamilə bir siyasi məsələdir. 

Əlbətdə bu irqçi və təhqir edici süjet birinci dəfə deyil, keçmiş dövrlərdə çeşidli adlarla: " ləhcəsiz müəlimlər, 3- 4 yaşli Türk oşaqlarına fars dili yetərliliyi sınağından keçirməsi" eləcədə sosial mediada: "Tək dilli-yə yox" Ana dilini örənmək ya Ana dilində örənmək" səfsəstə bazliğlari və s. Qeyri siyasiləştirmə təkcə dil məsələsində deyil, bütövlükdə Urmu gülünün öldürülməsi, yer alti və yer üstü sərvətlərimizin talan olması və sair fəlakətlərə də şamildir.

Aydındır ki hamısının amaci birdi, oda milli hərəkəti qeyri siyasiləşdirmək dir. Əlbətə heç fərq etməz, bu işi rejim görə ya bizim asimilə olmuşlar və ya satqinlar.

Taktiki olark, mill siyasi söyləmin caydırılmasına və uydurulmasına yol vermək də hamimizin qusurumuz olub və yetəri qədər milli müstəqill süyləmi qoruya bilməmişik. Bu yolda ciddi yanaşmamız gərəkir. Bütün sadiq milli siyasi fəallar məsuliyyət daşımalıdır və daha diqqətli olmalidir lar.

E'tiraf etməliyik ki, teori sahədə yetərincə işləyə bilməmişik və sağlam milli düşüncə və teoriləri millətimizə çatdıra bilməmişik. Bu zəifliyi bəzi soydaşlarımızın səthi analizlərində görürük.

Nəzərdə almaliyiq ki, Güney Azərbaycan Milli Hərəkətini qeyri siyasiləşdirmə də, fərqli miqyasda bu 3 mərkəzin də rolu olub, indidə vardir.: Tehran- Ankara- Baki !

Oct/06/2023

Translation In English:

Who Wants to Depoliticize the National Movement?
Umud Düzgün

The emergence of the video of an Azerbaijani Turkish child learning the accent in the Iranian Persian fascist system is not a random incident. This phenomenon is not new; it has a long history. The project to depoliticize the national movement began 75 years ago. Overall, our only political and democratic statehood was the National Government. After that state collapsed and after the martyr Pishaveri was also killed, the Tudeh Party took control of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. They tried to stop the national movement in South Azerbaijan through various means. First, they covered up the genocide of 25–30 thousand innocent Azerbaijanis by the Persian fascist army and the occupation of our homeland. Then, by promoting these two slogans: "sitəme milli və rəfe təbeiz" (elimination of national oppression and discrimination), they tried to depoliticize the national movement in South Azerbaijan and turn it into a cultural issue.

Over the past 34 years, the remnants of the Tudeh Party and Fedai infiltrated the new national movement and have been engaged with the same fabricated slogans, "sitəme milli və rəfe təbeiz." Regarding the language issue, the same people have worked to depoliticize it. They try to limit it at the level of child rights and child psychology and approach it as a normal illness, as in every country, etc. However, the language issue and the free use of our Turkish language is entirely a political matter in the country called Iran.

Of course, this racist and insulting plot is not the first time; in past periods, under various names, it has appeared: "teachers without accent, testing 3–4-year-old Turkish children for Persian language proficiency," as well as in social media: "No to monolingualism," "learning the mother tongue or learning in the mother tongue," and similar absurdities. Depoliticization is not only in the language issue; it also includes the killing of the Urmia flower, the plundering of our underground and aboveground resources, and other disasters.

It is clear that all of them have the same goal, which is to depoliticize the national movement. Of course, it does not matter whether this is done by the regime or by our assimilated compatriots or traitors. Tactically, allowing the discouragement and distortion of national political discourse has been our collective fault, and we have not sufficiently protected the message of national independence. We must approach this matter seriously. All loyal national political activists must bear responsibility and be more careful.

We must admit that we have not worked sufficiently in the theoretical field and have not been able to convey healthy national thought and theories to our nation. We see this weakness in the superficial analyses of some of our compatriots. We must also bear in mind that the depoliticization of the South Azerbaijan National Movement has involved, on different scales, the role of these three centers, and it still exists: Tehran – Ankara – Baku!

Oct/06/2023

 

---

Who Wants to Depoliticize the National Movement?
By Umud Düzgün

The recent appearance of a video showing an Azerbaijani Turkish child learning Persian in Iran’s Persian-dominated system is no accident. This phenomenon is not new; it has a long history. The project to depoliticize South Azerbaijan’s national movement began over 75 years ago. Our only truly political and democratic statehood was the National Government, and after its fall and the assassination of Martyr Pishaveri, the Tudeh Party took control of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. Through various means, they sought to suppress the national movement in South Azerbaijan.

First, they covered up the genocide of 25–30 thousand innocent Azerbaijanis by the Persian fascist army and the occupation of our homeland. Then, by promoting slogans like “sitəme milli və rəfe təbeiz” (eliminating national oppression and discrimination), they attempted to depoliticize the national movement in South Azerbaijan, turning it into a cultural rather than political issue.

Over the past 34 years, remnants of the Tudeh Party and Fedai infiltrated the new national movement and continued to promote the same fabricated slogans. On the language issue, the same actors have tried to depoliticize it, framing it as a matter of child rights or psychology, treating it as a minor social problem rather than a political struggle.

Yet the language issue—and the free use of our Turkish language—is inherently political in Iran. This is not the first time such attempts have appeared. In past decades, similar efforts included forcing young Turkish-speaking children to undergo Persian language proficiency tests, as well as social media campaigns with slogans like “No to monolingualism” or “Learn in your mother tongue.”

Depoliticization is not limited to language. It extends to the destruction of cultural symbols like the Urmia flower, the plundering of our natural resources, and other disasters. The goal is always the same: to depoliticize the national movement. It does not matter whether this is done by the regime itself, by assimilated compatriots, or by traitors.

Tactically, allowing the discouragement and distortion of national political discourse has been a shared failing, and we have not sufficiently protected the ideals of national independence. We must take this matter seriously. All loyal national political activists carry responsibility and must act with greater vigilance.

We must also admit that we have not developed sufficient theoretical frameworks or communicated healthy national thought to our people. This weakness is evident in the superficial analyses of some of our compatriots. Finally, it is important to recognize that the depoliticization of the South Azerbaijan National Movement has involved, at various levels, the influence of three centers—Tehran, Ankara, and Baku—and that this influence persists today.

October 6, 2023

in brief:

1. The systematic attempt to depoliticize the national movement

   • Began ~75 years ago, post-Azerbaijan National Government and Pishaveri’s death.

   • TODA Hizbi and remnants of Fedai infiltrated the movement to shift it from political struggle to cultural/educational issues.

   • Slogan used: “sitəme milli və rəfe təbeiz” (“eliminate national oppression and selective discrimination”) as a tool to depoliticize.

2. Language as a political, not merely cultural issue

   • Suppression of Azerbaijani Turkish in schools is political, not psychological or developmental.

   • Attempts to treat the language issue as a minor educational matter (e.g., limiting children to early language exercises) serve to depoliticize it.

   • Social media and academic narratives sometimes perpetuate this depoliticization.

3. Broader depoliticization strategies

   • Includes economic plunder, resource exploitation, and erasure of historical memory (e.g., Urmu Gölü incident).

   • Aim: weaken or divert the national movement from asserting political rights.

4. Multiple actors involved

   • Both the regime and assimilated or opportunistic elites.

   • Tactical depoliticization can come from Tehran, Ankara, Baku.

   • The responsibility falls on committed national activists to maintain political clarity and educate the population.

5. Acknowledgment of past weaknesses

   • The national movement has not always been able to communicate strong, clear theories.

   • Some members rely on superficial analyses, which facilitates depoliticization.

---

 

 Long-standing Depoliticization: The effort to depoliticize the South Azerbaijani national movement

 began ~75 years ago, especially after the fall of the National Government and Pishaveri’s death.

1. Organizational Infiltration: Groups like TODA Hizbi and remnants of Fedai worked to redirect the movement from political struggle to cultural or educational issues.

2. Slogan as Tool: The slogan “sitəme milli və rəfe təbeiz” (“eliminate national oppression and selective discrimination”) was used strategically to depoliticize the movement.

3. Language as Political Issue: Attempts to treat Azerbaijani Turkish as a developmental or psychological issue (e.g., children’s language exercises) are a deliberate way to depoliticize what is fundamentally a political struggle.

4. Broader Depoliticization: Depoliticization also extends to social, economic, and environmental issues, including plunder of resources and historical erasure.

5. Multiple Actors: Both the Iranian regime and assimilated or opportunistic elites, as well as external actors (Tehran, Ankara, Baku), contribute to this depoliticization.

6. Responsibility of Activists: Committed national activists must maintain political clarity, strengthen theory, and educate the public to resist depoliticization.

7. Past Weaknesses: The movement has sometimes failed to communicate strong theoretical foundations, leaving room for superficial interpretations and depoliticization.

 

---